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Dominicans refer to the Cordillera Central as "Madre de las Aguas" or "Mother of the Waters." The region contains the headwaters of Espanola's (Hispaniola) major river systems (Yaque del Norte, Yaque del Sur and Artibonito) that drain an area of more than 4,000 square miles. The Contanza region encompasses four intermountain valleys (Constanza, Tireo, La Culata, and Valle Nuevo) that are the country's premier vegetable producing areas. These intermountain valleys are described in my study as islands of biogeophysical diversity surrounded by an ocean of pesticide-dependent agriculture and human-altered landscapes.

The dominant landuse of the region is commercial agriculture in the valleys and cattle ranching in the higher slopes. Shifting cultivation and charcoal production (known in the Dominican Republic as conuco or tumba y quema) were once dominant in the foothills. The high mountains that surround the valleys, with their deforested and eroded slopes, give testimony to that period. Today approximately 30 percent of the region is forested, mostly secondary growth. Surprisingly, charcoal production is not a major economic activity in the valley and surrounding foothills. Most of the charcoal production takes place in the more remote regions of the Cordillera Central, far from the reach of the Direccion General Forestal (Forestry Division) law enforcement guards.

The Cordillera Central might seem like an impenetrable monoliths of rock but like other mountain ecosystems, it has no naturally evolved defenses against anthropogenic-induced contamination. Widespread agricultural activities in this region are pushing the limits of these ecosystems ever further. For the people who live in mountain environments, understanding and respecting this delicate balance is crucial. However, commercial agribusiness farmers in the region are exploiting subtle differences in elevation, climate and soil to increase productivity of non-traditional crops. In Valle Nuevo, for example, agribusiness owners have deforested large areas to cultivate apples and peaches; crops that can be imported more cheaply into the country. The region's unique climatic conditions may make it an ideal, area for growing such crops, but at what expense?

The region has experienced rapid environmental deterioration due to over exploitation of the natural resource base. The environmental deterioration of the region started in the 1930s with the clear cutting of forests for lumber. This trend, which continued until the 1960s, was the catalyst for the massive deforestation of the Cordillera Central, and in particular the Constanza Region. In the 1970s, the valley's agribusiness potential was discovered and exploited. The environmental consequences of this exploitation are evident today in the region's widespread contamination of water and air, which has adversely affected community health.

In spite of these environmental changes, many farmers in the region are compelled to cultivate land beyond its productive capacity. Forced to work smaller parcelas, and for longer periods, farmers have increased their usage of chemical fertilizers, herbicides, and pesticides. The intensive use of these chemicals has extended agricultural production, however, at the expense of environmental quality and community health. In addition, the chemicals are expensive and each planting cycle requires greater inputs, as fertility continues to decline and insects acquire a greater resistance to the toxins.

Criteria for Selecting the Study Area

The Constanza region offered a number of distinct advantages for studying the relationship between culture, health and the environment. First, the communities have a fairly homogenous population in terms of culture and socioeconomic level, thus eliminating potential confounders that could produce spurious associations. Second, the biogeophysical setting allows for studying how location, topography and meteorological conditions influence pesticide exposure. Third, there are communities that are at lesser or greater risk from pesticides exposure due to their biogeophysical characteristics, making it possible to conduct a health survey based on case-control population.

Biogeophysical Characteristics

The island of La Espanola (Figure 1) is located at 17 degrees 40' and 19 degrees 56' north latitude and 68 degrees 20' and 70 degrees 01' west longitude from Greenwich Meridian, GMT-4. The island is 800 mi/1300 km S.E. of Miami, FL, and 70-mi/112 km west of Puerto Rico. La Espanola is divided between the Dominican Republic and Haiti. The Constanza region is located in the Cordillera Central (Central Mountain Range) in central Dominican Republic. The region's elevation ranges from 4,200-10,386 feet above sea level (ASL).

Figure 1 The Antilles

Source: Rand McNally World Atlas 2001

There are four large intermountain valleys that form part of the study region: Constanza, Tireo, Valle Nuevo and La Cualta. The Constanza Valley (3,900 ft ASL) is the largest in area and in horticultural production. It contains the largest number of agricultural communities and the region's only large town, Constanza. The valley covers 70,000 tareas of which over 95 percent are cultivated (Secretaria de Estado de Agricultura). The Tireo Valley (4,900 ft ASL) is the second largest in area (30,000 tareas) and agricultural production (20 percent). La Culata Valley (6,000 ft) is located north of Constanza and is the third largest in production and fourth in area. Valley Nuevo is the highest valley (7,300 ft ASL) and the least contaminated of the region. Agricultural production is limited due to the abrupt topography and poor soils. The government has targeted Valle Nuevo for massive reforestation in an attempt to protect the region's largest aquifer and the country's most important hydrologic basin.

The highest peaks in the Antilles are found in the region, three of them (Duarte, La Rucilla, and La Pelona) attain elevations of over 10,000 ft/3,000m. The area forms part of Yaque del Norte and Yaque del Sur watersheds, the two largest in the country. The region is bordered by four protected areas: on the west are the Armando Bermudez and Jose del Carmen Ramirez National Parks, on the south the Valle Nuevo Scientific Reserve, and on the east by the Ebano Verde Scientific Reserve.

Despite its beleaguered status, the region remains vitally important to the nation's economy. As a rule, the best agricultural lands in the Dominican Republic are devoted to export crops, such as sugar cane and bananas, and to cattle production. The Constanza Region provides the largest portion of the country's temperate horticultural crops (Figure 2): broccoli, cauliflower, carrots, cabbage, garlic, asparagus and celery (Table 1). Even in the more remote mountain valleys of the region, the land is not beyond the reach of both small and large agribusiness farms.

Table 1 Crop Production 2000 in Tareas (1 tarea = 0.154 acre)

Crop	Acreage (tareas) in thousands	Crop Production Season
Garlic	12-14,000	Oct-Nov
Potatoes	20-22,000	Yearly
Carrots	7-8,000	Yearly
Beets	5-6,000	Yearly
Cabbage	10-16,000	Yearly
Beans	17-20,000	Yearly
Onions	7,000	Yearly
Celery	2,000	Yearly
Cauliflower	1,300	Yearly
Broccoli	1,500	Yearly

Source: Secretaria de Estado de Agricultura, 2000

Figure 2 The Constanza Valley and Agribusiness Farmland

Source Walker, 1972. Adapted in 2000

Meteorological Conditions

The region encompasses three climate zones influenced by elevation (altitudinal zonation), location and position of mountain ranges: tierra templada (temperate zone) between 3,500 and 7,500 feet ASL , tierra fria (cold zone) between 7,500 and 9,000 feet ASL and tierra helada (sub arctic) above 9,000 feet. Constanza and Tireo are in the tierra templada zone and Valle Nuevo at approximately 8,000 feet is in the lower reaches of the tierra fria (Figure 3).

Figure 3 Altitudinal Zonation

The Northeast Trade Wind, welcomed for the pleasant weather it brings to the Caribbean, is a steady wind from the east or northeast. It is the dominant wind in the region, being most common in summer and least common in winter. (In Constanza, it occurs about 92% of the time in August and 50% of the time in January.) It can speed up, change direction, and become more turbulent as it moves over ridges, between two mountains, and through gorges.

However, when it weakens or disappears or where it is blocked by the high Cordillera Central, local breezes can dominate. The annual temperature in the region fluctuates between 50-70 degrees F / 12-21 degrees C. Precipitation is unevenly distributed due to the mountainous terrain. Heaviest precipitation occurs on the windward (northeastern slopes), which averages approximately 80inches/ 2000mm per year (Direccion de Meteorologia, Santo Domingo 2001).

A meteorological characteristic of this intermountain region is the valley and mountain breeze. A valley breeze blows up the mountainsides during the day after the sun's rays have heated the slope more than the surrounding air. A mountain breeze (also called a drainage wind) blows down the mountain slope at night after the slope has cooled more than the surrounding air.

Temperature inversions are very common in the region. Temperature inversions occur where air at ground level is cooler than the air above it. This layer of cool, slow-moving air could extend from the ground to a height of hundreds of feet. Within this layer, the coolest air would be at ground level and the warmest at the top. Vapor formed near ground level (where the air is coolest) would not rise, as this cooler air would be heavier than the warmer air above it.

In the case of pesticides, particles and vapor would stay at about the same level and form an undiluted, horizontal spray plume that could extend into non-target sites such as homes and schools. This would not happen if the temperature inversion was absent and the ground-level air had a motion that caused vertical mixing. This rising motion would dilute the spray plume more and more as it extended farther and farther downwind. Thus, pesticide drift problems are more likely when applying in a temperature inversion.

Hurricanes are an integral part of the area's meteorological phenomena. During the first survey, Hurricane Georges passed over the Dominican Republic. On September 20, 1998 it hit the Constanza Region with a category 2-3 force, causing a major impact on agriculture and infrastructure in the region, as well as many deaths. It is estimated that Hurricane Georges caused more damage than Hurricane David, the last major Hurricane (category 4) that hit the Dominican Republic in 1979. While David had moved more rapidly and only had an impact in a small area of the country, Georges caused more damage due to its slow movement (15-20 KPH) across the middle of the country, affecting densely populated areas and agricultural production regions. The damage in human loss and material destruction can definitely be classified as a major disaster affecting at least 50 percent of the country (National Weather Service, National Hurricane Center, Miami 1999). The worst hit parts of the study region were the poor rural communities. The hurricane destroyed many houses and dwellings, and inflicted severe damage on the region's telecommunications system. In addition, electricity and water services were significantly disrupted.

Poor households of the region were particularly affected by the 1998 hurricane. Estimates are that over 10,000 persons in the Constanza municipio had been badly affected, losing their food crops, total or partial loss of their homes, their livestock, as well as much of their community's basic infrastructure (Interview: Civil Defense Official, 1999). Many poor households lost their basic means of survival and needed assistance until the next agricultural harvest. Agricultural losses for these small farm owners vary according to the geographical region. In the Constanza and Tireo Valleys, the damage was limited to wooden structures and bridges. The loss to the agricultural sector was minimal (Secretaria de Estado de Agricultura Report, 1999).

Most of the people in the communities were living in difficult circumstances before the hurricane. The household average monthly income was US$ 115. With the loss of their crops and livestock, and with practically no job opportunities available, households suffered severe food insecurity since they did not have any other source of income.

The Environment

Nowhere has the link between indiscriminate pesticide use, land ownership inequalities, contaminated food, water, soil and air been manifested more clearly than in the Constanza Region. Environmental neglect and destruction are not restricted by geographic location, and the extent of the ecological damage in the four-valley Constanza region approaches the realm of science fiction. The following most aptly describes the environmental quality in the region.

In Constanza, a combination of unfiltered drinking water, untreated sewage, and large quantities of pesticides, herbicides, and fertilizers have caused massive damage to human health and environmental quality. For decades, water from the region's rivers and underground aquifers have been diverted for agricultural use, in particular horticultural production. Agricultural runoff from cultivated fields has contaminated these water bodies. After being informed by local agronomists (Personal Communication, 1999) that more than two million tons of pesticides are used yearly in the region, my research nicknamed the Constanza and Tireo "The Valley of Death."

This systematic neglect and even gross abuse of the environment has its roots in some of the idiosyncrasies of the "Green Revolution" and its purported miracle seeds and technology. This 'revolution' was not brought about by the people of the countries with severe food deficits; it was imposed on them. From the middle of the 1970s onwards, capitalists had been promoting intensive 'chemical' export-oriented agriculture in the Constanza Region. Although the region was not exporting its farm products, its subsistence crops were enough to meet local needs.

Dominican authorities have yet to decide on taking positive action to combat air, soil and water pollution in the region. The pollution problems of the Constanza Region have a root cause: agribusiness vegetable production. The drive to expand the agribusiness sector at all costs has not been achieved without environmental repercussions. The massive deforestation of upland slopes, leading to dramatic landuse / landcover changes, has disrupted the delicate intermountain ecosystem balance of the region.

Agricultural Landscape

Constanza is divided into 10 agricultural production areas: El Valle, Sabina, Cercado, Limoncito, La Culata, Tireo, Valle Nuevo, Los Sanchez, La Palma, La Descubierta. There are approximately 250-300 producers in each production area (Figures 4, 5, and 6).

Figure 4 Areas of Intensive Horticulture Production

Figure 5 Cultivated Fields in the Constanza Valley, 2002

As the DR's major horticultural production area, the Secretaria de Estado de Agricultura (Secretariat of Agriculture) has a regional office that provides agricultural extension services to both small and large landowners (See Table 2). These services include use of agricultural chemicals and their safe disposal, soil protection techniques, and agricultural loans. The Secretaria is also involved in the promotion of organic agriculture in the region. An organic agricultural pilot project, funded by the Japanese government, is being carried out on the Secretaria's premises in the Constanza Valley.

The project is currently engaged in the production of organic fertilizers and plant-based insecticides as a means to decrease the use of agricultural chemical agents in the region. According to the project's director, Mr. Sasaki, the acceptance of organic agriculture by local small farmers has been high. However, it remains to be seen if this method will be adopted by larger commercial farms, which comprise over 75 percent of the agro production in the region.

Table 2 Composition of Constanza Farmers 2000

Number of Agribusiness Farms	375
Number of Farm Works (Permanent)	2000
Number of Farm Workers (Day Labor)	5500
Land in Farms	70,000 Tareas
Average Age	41 Years
Average Farm Size	500 Tareas
Sex:	Male: 98.4% Female: 1.6%

Source: Provided by the Secretaria de Estado de Agricultura, Santo Domingo and Constanza (2000)

In Constanza and Tireo, the entire valley floor has been intensely cultivated. This productive farmland, estimated at roughly 100,000 tareas (16,400 acres), belongs not to the locals, but to a dozen or so families living in the Santo Domingo or in Santiago de los Caballeros. Absentee landowners are only part of the problem. The skewed distribution of farmland favors the agribusiness sector. They control over 80 percent of the vegetable production in the region. On average, an agribusiness farm encompasses approximately 500 tareas, while small farms average only two tareas.

Areas with the Highest Concentration of Vegetable Production

The Constanza Valley accounts for about 66 percent of the four-valley vegetable cultivation area (Figures 2 and 4). The area under vegetable production has increased more than 50 percent in the last 30 years from 8,000 tareas in 1973 to over 16,000 tareas in 2002. The area and yields are shown for selected vegetables in table 1. As a result of the combination of increased acreage and yield, it is estimated that the total vegetable productivity has increased to about 30 percent in the past decade. Tireo, and La Culata have the second highest concentration of vegetable production in the region.

The peak production occurs in the cool season from September to February. The winter season of the intermountain region is a milder and more attractive climate for vegetable production than any other region in the Caribbean. The very large land acreage per agribusiness household makes it easy to organize large-scale production of high uniform quality vegetables for domestic and export markets. Since the 1970s the Dominican government has encouraged the expansion of vegetable producing areas, particularly in the more temperate zones. The transformation from small scale traditional crop production to large vegetable production has been successful. Large scale vegetable production has been designed for extensive flatland areas, which is the case in both the Constanza and Tireo Valleys

In the Constanza Valley the highest concentration of vegetable cultivation is located in the central core of the valley floor west of the Town of Constanza. and along the valley rim. The Tireo Valley is higher (5,000 feet) and growing conditions for temperate crops are more favorable than the Constanza Valley. However, the Tireo Valley is smaller in area and expansion of vegetable production areas is limited

The major exporting vegetables are celery, cabbage, carrot, garlic, broccoli, onion, potatoes, etc. Potatoes and garlic appears to be the most stable produce for export. At present the main export markets are Europe, Puerto Rico, and other Caribbean islands.

Land Ownership

Dominican history has been marked by political unrest, military coups, and dictatorships, the most famous of which was that of Generalissimo Rafael Trujillo Molina, who ruled the Dominican Republic with an iron fist for over 30 years (1930-1962). Trujillo, in his quest for supreme and absolute control of the country, became one of the world's most notoriously brutal dictators, ruling with murder, torture and theft. He created an economic system that was not unlike the feudal system, becoming the largest landowner in the Caribbean. After his assassination in 1962, Trujillo's successors continued with his corrupt style of land tenure. Although there have been minor changes in tenure and user rights for the poor rural population in the Constanza region since Trujillo's reign, the legacy of his corrupt land reform practices still persists today.

During the1970s and 1980s, the government targeted the agribusiness sector for massive investment, giving rise to a unified elite class who began to mobilize their resources to promote agribusiness growth. The agribusiness entrepreneurial class of the Constanza Region has emerged as the dominant power elite class. Their landownership position and patron-farm worker relationship make them the dominant economic and political force that serve to maintain the status quo in place. All of this, of course, happens at the cost of further economic marginalizing of the farm workers and their families, and deterioration of environmental quality and community health through indiscriminate and improper use of agrochemicals.

Under the Fernandez (1996-2000) and the present Mejia administrations, the agribusiness corporations have become the ultimate capitalist moneymaking machines in the region, having consolidated ownership and control of the region's remaining environmental resources of water and soil. Expansion of horticulture crop acreage, in close proximity to communities, has also increased the threat from pesticides and other agrochemicals, leaving in their wake a population suffering from multiple illnesses and diseases caused by contaminated air, water, soil, and food.

Land Titles

Land tenure problems are widespread in the region, in particular, the lack of clear titles to the land farmers already cultivate. In addition, without some legal recognition, farmers are sometimes vulnerable to land grabs by the more powerful and unscrupulous elements of society, mainly the agribusiness sector. The insecurity stemming from this is problematic. For example, with no certainty that they will not be run off their land, farmers are reluctant to invest in farm inputs. Without a clear title to land, farmers are unable to put it up as collateral for much needed loans.

Still another problem is the marketing of what is produced. Small farmers in the four valleys often sell their temperate vegetables, potatoes and coffee to an intermediary. Many of these intermediaries own small pickup truck, which are used to take the farm products to market in Santo Domingo, La Vega and Santiago. These small-scale horticultural producers receive the smallest rewards for their farm labor.

Thus, the socioeconomic context in which horticultural production is practiced is characterized by profound inequities in agricultural land distribution, land tenure insecurities, an unwillingness of the government to extend credit to small farmers, and a marketing and transport system that favors the agribusiness sector and its intermediaries.

Demographic Setting

The four intermountain valley region is the highest (in elevation) densely populated area in the Antilles. The massive chain migration from the poverty stricken south and southwest regions of he Dominican Republic has increased the region's population from 15,000 in 1970 to approximately 100,000 in 1997 (Personal communication with local government official, 1999).

As a consequence of this migration, a belt of marginalized communities has mushroomed in the valley. In these communities extreme poverty, hunger and diseases reign. Before the arrival of the migrants, the inhabitants of the region lived in relative prosperity in comparison with other parts of the country. The massive migrations from the south have offset the once idyllic lifestyle of the native Constanceros, who were not accustomed to seeing such dire living conditions. Along with the newly arrived migrants have come unwanted lifestyles.

For example, the town has a red light district teeming with young prostitutes, many as young as 12 years old, that cater to the largely male agro labor force. This situation has caused strong conflicts between native Constanceros and the surenos (southerners) as the migrants are called. Much friction and animosity exists among natives and migrants. The animosity between Constanceros and surenos rarely develops into tragic events due to the presence of the 6th Army Battalion, which is headquarted in Constanza. Their presence in town is much respected and feared by both local and surenos.

The vast majority of the population is rural with major concentrations in the valley. There are over 16 communities (Barrios) located throughout the valley and surrounding region. The pueblo (town) of Constanza is the largest urban center in the region with a population of approximately 45,000. Main ethnic groups are Dominicans, Haitians, Spanish, Japanese, and Arabs (Personal communication with local historian, 2000). The valley's powerful economic and political elite is composed mainly of Spanish, Japanese and lighter skin mulattos. These three groups dominate the agribusiness sector. The Arabs (Syrian and Lebanese) are engaged primarily in the service sector. The majority of the Haitians are wage laborers on coffee plantations and street peddlers. The majority of the Dominican farm labor force work on agribusiness farms and parcelas as day laborers (Personal Interview with agronomist, 2000).

The municipio (municipality) of Constanza is divided into 16 administrative sections also known as comunidades or barrios (communities). Each section is administered by an alcalde (mayor) who is appointed by the sindico (council). Each section is further divided into parajes or subdivisions. Constanza is an important military training site for the Dominican fuerzas armadas (armed forces). The military presence is felt throughout the region, and is a contributing factor for the low crime rate. Being the town closest to Alto Bandera Peak (where the control towers for Dominican radio and television are located) and being the center of the country, makes Constanza a militarily strategic place. The area is heavily surveyed and guarded by the 6th Military Battalion or Batallon de Cazadores del Ejercito Nacional, who by their presence instill much fear in the region. Many residents claim that the Battalion's presence has made Constanceros more "submissive" than the population in other parts of the country.

Another important factor to point out is that the region, due to its remoteness and lack of good transportation linkages, has received minimal outside influence in terms of development. This isolation has served to keep polluting industries from establishing plants in the valley. An important economic incentive for industries to locate in the valley is that Constanza produces its own electricity, thus suffering few power outages, which are characteristic of the rest of the country.

History

The island of Hispaniola was originally occupied by Tainos, an Arawak-speaking people (Moya Pons 1982). The Tainos welcomed Columbus in his first voyage in 1492, but subsequent colonizers reduced the Taino population from about a million to only 500 in 50 years. To ensure adequate labor for plantations, the Spanish brought African slaves to the island beginning in 1503 (Moya Pons 1982). In the next century, French settlers occupied the western end of the island, which Spain ceded to France in 1697, and which, in 1804, became the Republic of Haiti.

The Haitians conquered the whole island in 1822 and held it until 1844, when forces led by Juan Pablo Duarte, the hero of Dominican independence, drove them out and established the Dominican Republic as an independent state. In 1861, the Dominicans voluntarily returned to the Spanish Empire; in 1865, independence was restored.

Economic difficulties, the threat of European intervention, and ongoing internal disorders led to a U.S. occupation in 1916 and the establishment of a military government in the Dominican Republic. The occupation ended in 1924, with a democratically elected Dominican Government. In 1930, Rafael L. Trujillo, a prominent army commander, established absolute political control. "El Jefe" (The Chief) and "El Benefactor" (The Benefactor) as Trujillo proclaimed himself, promoted economic development--from which he and his supporters benefited, and severe repression of domestic human rights. Trujillo's influence was quite strong and he demanded complete loyalty from his followers. More importantly, however, Trujillo's dictatorship was extremely cruel and bloody, especially with regard to Haitians living in the Dominican Republic. Trujillo's anti-Haitian sentiment culminated in the massacre of over 30,000 Haitian men, women and children along the border and in the Cibao Region in 1937.

A decade after Trujillo ordered the massacre of all Haitians living on Dominican national territory, he embarked on the "Hispanization" or "Dominicanzation" of the country, in other words, ridding the country of "African" influence, in reference to the black Haitians. To accomplish his racial and cultural "purification" scheme, "El Jefe," needed a "white" gene pool to dilute the 90 percent mulatto and black "blood." He sent out the call to Europe and Japan, for immigrants. He promised them land, home and capital to begin a new life in the Dominican Republic. His call was answered by hundreds of Spaniards from Galicia and other parts of Spain, and from the Japanese island of Kyushu.

The immigrants were settled in diverse parts of the country. The Japanese were settled along the border, as a first line of defense against Haitian encroachment on Dominican national space. The largest Japanese settlement was founded near the border town of Dajabon and the Spanish in Azua and Constanza. However, the majority ended up in Constanza, an area that has a similar (cool moist) climate as Galicia and Kyushu. Those immigrants that endured went on to develop the country's horticultural industry. Trujillo granted the "white" colonists special incentives to develop the commercial agricultural sector, which at that time was heavily dependent on sugar and cattle. The Generalissimo's favoritism would cost the Spanish and Japanese settlers greatly after the Dictator's assassination in 1961. After the "Benefactor's" death the Spanish and Japanese colonists were at the mercy of an angry native population that demanded justice and retribution (Despradel 1994).

Many Japanese and Spaniards lost their status and land. Many returned to their country of origin. Mismanagement and corruption resulted in major economic problems. In August 1960, the Organization of American States (OAS) imposed diplomatic sanctions against the Dominican Republic because of Trujillo's complicity in an attempt to assassinate President Romulo Betancourt of Venezuela. In November 1961, the Trujillo family was forced into exile (Bell 1981).

In January 1962, a council of state that included moderate opposition elements with legislative and executive powers was formed. OAS sanctions were lifted on January 4, and, after the resignation of President Joaquin Balaguer on January 16, the council under President Rafael E. Bonnelly headed the Dominican Government. Juan Bosch was inaugurated President in February 1963, and overthrown in a military coup in September of that same year.

In 1965 the army rebelled against the government with the objective of restoring Bosch as president. Strong oppositions to Bosch's return came from the air force and navy elements of the military. The Dominican Republic became embroiled in a short, albeit, bitter civil war. After the U.S. Marines landed in Santo Domingo, Bosch accused his opponents of provoking intervention by the United States, which, he said, was a ploy to protect their economic interests (American Chamber of Commerce of the Dominican Republic, 1986).

In early 1965, Juan Bosch, Joaquin Balaguer, and Rafael Bonnelly announced their candidacies in the presidential election scheduled for June 1966. Bosch and Bonnelly were staunch opponents of Balaquer, who they saw as catering to the needs of the rich landowning class. Balaguer won the elections with 56 percent of the vote. Under his administration, relative stability was restored to the country and the economy showed strength. High sugar prices, foreign investment, and increased tourism, enabled Balaguer to win reelection in 1970 and 1974 (Baud 1987).

However, Balaguer's popularity began to dwindle in the mid-1970s as sharp decline in world sugar prices adversely affected the Dominican economy, Balaguer was voted out of office in the 1978 elections. His opponent and winner of the election, Silvestre Antonio Guzmán, was forced to purge the military of Balaguer supporters, who tried to prevent him from taking office. Despite the democratic changes that Guzmán initiated, the economy remained troubled by low sugar prices. His government also had to deal with the damage left by two hurricanes in 1979 that left more than 200,000 people homeless and caused $1 billion in damages (Campillo and Julio 1986).

In 1982, Guzman committed suicide and Salvador Jorge Blanco was elected to succeed him. Blanco, in an attempt to rescue the country from its deepening economic crisis, turned to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF instituted austerity measures in exchange for a three-year loan package. The increase in the price for basic consumer products such as food and gasoline, led to protest riots throughout the country. In 1986, Balaquer returned to the political arena. He was reelected president in 1990 and 1994.

In May 1996, three candidates vied to succeed Balaguer. Front-runner Jose Francisco Pena Gomez of the Dominican Liberation Party. His main opponent was Leonel Fernandez of the Dominican Liberation Party. Opponents accused Gomez of having Haitian parentage, in an attempt to tarnish his popularity among voters. Capitalizing on the ethnic, cultural and historical hatred that exists between Dominicans and Haitians, Pena Gomez was portrayed as a Haitian, whose primary objective, once in office, was the unification of Haiti and Dominican Republic. Unification with or take over by Haiti is one fear that is shared by most Dominicans. The campaign mounted against Pena Gomez accused him of having one political goal: turning over the Dominican Republic to the Haitians. The fear campaign was successful; Leonel Fernandez won the elections with 51 percent of the vote.

On Sep 22, 1998 Hurricane Georges hit the Dominican Republic, killing over 200 people. The hurricane devastated the agricultural sector in the Cibao Region, the breadbasket of the country. In the Constanza region, Georges left numerous families homeless and destroyed vast areas under horticultural production. The hurricane washed away the only road connecting Constanza to the outside world. Supplies and other emergency aid were brought in via helicopter and on planes that were able to land at the small military airport.

In the May 2000 elections, Joaquin Balaguer, Danilo Medina, and Hipolito Mejia, vied for the presidency. Balaguer, 98 years old and blind, was the oldest presidential candidate in Dominican history. Despite his age and lack of sight, Balaguer was on the verge of winning the election. However, Hipolito Mejia was declared the winner in the presidential race after Balaguer and Medina withdrew.

With 19,000 square miles and over 43 percent of it arable land, Mejia sees the Dominican Republic as the potential breadbasket of the region. However, agriculture, which accounts for US$ 2 billion of a gross domestic product of US$ 20 billion, is losing ground to other sectors of the economy such as tourism. As part of his election campaign, Mejia, himself an agronomist and agribusiness owner, said that the Dominican Republic could easily feed 40 million people in the region annually when it efficiently develops its agricultural sector. There is no doubt that Constanza is an important part of Mejia's goal of transforming the agricultural sector by making the region the premier vegetable producer of the Antilles

Conclusion

Virtually all landscapes have cultural associations, because virtually all landscapes have been affected in some way by human activities and behavior. In the Constanza Region, humans have modified the landscape; they have transformed it from a natural landscape, one without evidence of human activity, into a cultural landscape, one which reveals the many ways people modify their local environment. Consequently, the cultural landscape reveals the multiple ways people in the Constanza Region have modified their environment. Today, the contaminated landscape of the region forms part of the cultural landscape, the result of intensive pesticide-dependent agriculture.

Understanding the linkages between culture, health and the environment, and finding quick solutions to the environmental problems caused by pesticide exposure is not an easy endeavor, and more so when there are many external influences to consider. Agribusiness owners and public health decision-makers must have an understanding of the complex interrelationship and feedback between biogeophysical processes, political economic structures, social cultural factors that affect the environment and the health of community members. The most difficult challenge lies in maintaining people's health while simultaneously improving the health of the environment and economy as a whole.

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